نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی
نویسندگان
1 کارشناس ارشد انسان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران
2 استاد گروه انسان‌شناسی، دانشکد ۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران
چکیده
کلیدواژه‌ها
عنوان مقاله [English]
نویسندگان [English]
Symbolic aspects of human culture have been generally known by interpretive anthropologists as the most considerable and significant aspect of the human culture embracing unresolved significances and meanings of human cultural existence. The scientific method for studying and interpreting symbols, known as semiology, roots in linguistic works of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) which has obviously influenced structural and symbolic approaches in anthropology. Music and its rituals, according to anthropological studies, would be undoubtedly categorized as an integral part of human culture and no culture could be assumed without its musical aspects. Moreover, Music realm, considering its intangibility and subjectivity, has always revealed its potential for being culturally symbolized and musical instruments, therefor, would expectedly represent these cultural symbols. The study of music in its cultural and social context is known as ethnomusicology and the science of musical instruments, embracing the study of their technical, historical and cultural aspects, is called Organology. This study aims to interpret symbolic characteristics of Guilan’s Naqāre, a double-conical percussion instrument (comparable with Indian Tabla) in its social and cultural context. The Naqāre is traditionally played with wooden drumsticks and due to the context, would be played in solo form or with the accompaniment of Sornā (a local wind instrument). The accompanied form, known as Sāz-o- Naqāre, has historically been a common form in Iranian culture relating to joyful rituals and ceremonies. Morphologically, furthermore, the word Sornā is composed of Sor (ceremony) and nā (fife) which clearly indicates to this social and cultural function. The role Naqāre plays in these situations seems to be confined to a musical accompanier performing background rhythm for the wind instrument. But, in some other more transcendental occasions and religious rituals, the Naqāre is played solo and sometimes the smaller drum is to be veiled. This prohibition is so comparable with the fact that in Guilan’s traditional culture, as recorded in my ethnography, the smaller drum of Naqāre is known as šeytune (attributed to Satan, devil). Although the act of veiling the smaller drum and the prohibition of its more treble sound might initially encourage us to attribute this symbol to religious beliefs of Satan, but Looking on this issue from the symbolic anthropology viewpoints shows that the concept of Satan here has a cultural meaning rather than religious one. Since, in a traditional musical tight
rope walking ceremony in Guilan called Lāfand-Bāzi, the same phenomenon would be seen. The scene has two different and contradictory characters: the hero and the clown (anti-hero). During the play, Naqāre and Sornā are played to enthusiast the scene. The Hero attempts to maintain his balance on the rope and the clown, who is called šeytānak (a little Satan), tries to fail the hero by ridiculing him which makes the audience laugh. Comparing these two symbols, šeytune (small drum of Naqāre) with šeytānak (clown of the play) could demonstrate that the concept of Satan in the traditional culture of eastern Guilan has a cultural meaning which will assist to interpret Naqāre’s different symbolic characteristics.
کلیدواژه‌ها [English]
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